IN AN election campaign that has yet to catch fire, the Tanaiste and Labour Party leader went looking for votes in Dublin yesterday when he introduced his party's manifesto.

It represented more of the pre-packaged, manicured material the various Dail parties have been preparing for the past three months. As such, it generated few surprises and slotted easily into the broad frame-work of Rainbow economic policy.

The caring face of Labour was reflected by a new idea, the "social guarantee", which would apply to young people between the ages of 18 and 21 years; to pensioners and to people with disabilities.

The intention was that all young people would complete second-level education before going on to third level, to training, or to employment. Elderly people would be helped to live within their communities; illness would not lead to the elimination of life savings and recovery from illness would be supported, at home if possible.

A Minister of State would be appointed to develop the "social guarantee" for older people. People with disabilities would be provided with services on the basis of need from the moment of birth, diagnosis or the onset of a disability.

Personal tax allowances were to be increased by £950 million over five years; a further £400 million would be devoted to widening the lower tax band and no tax or PRSI would be paid on the first £130 of weekly, earnings. The Labour Party's vision of tax reform in an equitable society was slightly more downmarket than Fine Gael's.

LABOUR would concentrate tax cuts at the middle and lower end of the income scales. And the existing tax rates of 48 and 26 per cent would remain in place. But the package was negotiable. Mr Spring admitted that, in negotiations with Fine Gael on the formation of the next government, there could be changes in the tax rates "where appropriate".

What was not negotiable, he said, was that lower-and middle-income earners would benefit. The broad Fine Gael/Labour Party/Democratic Left commitment that a married couple on average earnings would pay no more than 14p in the pound, with a maximum of 22p in the pound for single persons, would stand

Seventy-one pages of the manifesto dealt with the shaping of a modern successful society and it was packed with promises on the economy, on jobs, health, crime, education and the outside world. Along with them went 14 pages devoted to the achievements of the Labour Party in two governments over the past four years.

The list was impressive. The liberal agenda had been dealt with and included divorce, homosexuality and abortion information. There was legislation on ethics and freedom of information in government. And Mr Spring went unchallenged - when he claimed the Labour Party had delivered on about 95 per cent of what it had promised in 1992, in terms of social and economic change.

Exorcising the "get Labour" or "get Spring" factor, which has haunted the party since it entered coalition with Fianna Fail in 1993, is obviously proving to be extremely difficult. And somebody has decided to counteract that residual dislike - with a list of social, economic and legislative successes. After all, it's harder to give a "dig" to a man who has done good.

With crime and drugs a major issue on the doorsteps, the party quietly laid aside its traditional "bleeding-heart" approach and talked of more prison places and get-tough measures.

BUT reform was also in the air in the shape of a Commission on Policing, an independent management system for prisons and unification of the State's prosecution services through merging the offices of the Director of Public Prosecutions and the Chief State Solicitor.

The importance of Dublin's northside vote was reflected in the party's decision to introduce the manifesto in the Gresham Hotel. For with three or four seats at risk there, any northside votes would help.

At this stage the five major parties - are working flat out preparing for further policy initiatives. But at national level the political picture is like that of a duck swimming. Movement is visible all right, but the real action is taking place under water - or, in this case, in the constituencies.

The election is said to be dull. What is missing is the chaos and lack of preparation which normally attend the fall of a government. On the last three occasions the government parties went to the country in a welter of recriminations and with little or no advance planning. This time, not only the government, but the opposition parties, have been concocting campaign plans for months. They involve not just voting alliances, informal or otherwise, but broad policy approaches.

So far, the two would-be government combinations have resisted efforts to prise them apart. Their economic policies have been parsed and analysed and, while divergencies have been identified, they are still hanging tough. As of now, the only glaring anomaly involves the Progressive Democrats' proposal to abolish employees' PRSI while increasing the level of contributory pensions. Fianna Fail regards the PRSI system as being socially desirable and is committed to retaining employee contributions.

The Government parties and Dick Spring are now quietly confident they will at least draw the social argument in favour of directing resources to the middle- and lower-income groups. And they hope to win the election on the basis of their cohesion and stability. The political message is: "A bit more of the same."