Political judgment has been away with the fairies ever since the Progressive Democrats set the clock ticking for a general election three weeks ago. It wasn't prepared to wait for the Flood tribunal to declare the guilt of Fianna Fail politicians on the take. A political judgment would have to be made in that regard and retribution exacted. Otherwise, it was out of Government.
Tearing up the rulebook of "due process" was a startling development. But it reflected the "crisis" that John Bruton had identified in the Irish democratic system as the Flood and Moriarty tribunals laid bare the corruption that existed at planning and political levels for decades. And it treated the inquiry established by Fianna Fail into the behaviour of its elected representatives in Dublin as more than window-dressing. Results were expected. Hard decisions had to be taken. Specifically, any elected representative who behaved improperly should be forced to resign.
Within days, Fine Gael upped the ante. It published a report into the behaviour of its own elected members in Dublin. And it declared that three councillors would not be ratified in future elections unless they were able to deal with unanswered questions. Fianna Fail muttered about "due process" and of the need to allow Mr Justice Flood to rule on these difficult judicial matters. But, having established the investigation, there had to be a report. And, with the Progressive Democrats waiting impatiently, it decided yesterday to talk to Liam Lawlor again before reporting to the Fianna Fail Parliamentary Party.
In the interim, however, the Coalition suffered an attack of the head-staggers. Charlie McCreevy nominated Hugh O'Flaherty, the former Supreme Court judge, to the European Investment Bank with the agreement of Mary Harney. It was the old pals' act writ large. A mind-numbing piece of political patronage. And the Opposition parties came out roaring.
Ruairi Quinn was first out of the traps. The Labour leader was "flabbergasted" and "staggered" by the decision and promised to challenge it in the Dail.
Michael Noonan took a more cautious approach, expressing surprise and calling for an explanation. But, as public outrage kicked in, Fine Gael went into overdrive. And it captured the political high ground when it devoted its Dail private members' time to debate the O'Flaherty appointment. Days of Opposition outrage followed, supplemented by confusion and dismay within the ranks of the Progressive Democrats.
As in all such cases, the junior party in the Government bore the brunt of media criticism. Mary Harney's job was to keep Fianna Fail on the straight and narrow. When she failed, it was Fianna Fail that walked free. They were harrowing days for the Tanaiste. Her judgment had been faulted to such an extent that her leadership was questioned. And then the Moriarty tribunal stepped in. Charlie Haughey was declared to have received £8.6 million in donations during his years as Fianna Fail leader. From faraway Poland, Bertie Ahern found it "deeply shocking" and promised to ensure that public office could not be used in future for personal enrichment.
Ms Harney went one better. She declared Mr Haughey should be found guilty and jailed. It was a serious misjudgment, a step too far. By making such a declaration, Ms Harney was accused of potentially jeopardising any prosecution that might eventually be taken in relation to the Moriarty findings. But legal sources close to Mr Haughey publicly regarded the remarks as prejudicial to a case connected with the McCracken tribunal.
What had been a tentative legal gambit turned to gold when John Bruton burst on the scene. With the Progressive Democrats on the run, the Fine Gael leader couldn't resist another tilt at Ms Harney. The reckless comments of the Tanaiste, he declared, were likely to influence the Haughey case at present before the courts.
It was over-the-top stuff, designed to capitalise on damage already done to the Progressive Democrats. Nora Owen went on television to express outrage and by the time a Fine Gael motion of censure hit the floor of the Dail yesterday the issue had totally deflated. The Leas Ceann Comhairle ruled it out of order. It died without a whimper.
There were strong parallels between that issue and Ivan Yates's attempts to make political capital out of the fall in the value of Eircom shares in the Dail last night. With 500,000 hurting shareholders in mind and a general election in prospect, the Fine Gael man let it rip. The man who had described the shares as "money for old rope" and "a sure bet" only last year was suddenly complaining that the Coalition Government had grossly overvalued them and effectively swindled the public.
It was too much. Election fever was out of control. Mary O'Rourke gave him the back of her hand. Fine Gael should cool down. Quite.