Even with the ceasefires from the PIRA and the CLMC, it is clear that Northern Ireland remains a deeply divided society. Terrorist violence was only an extreme symptom of a much more fundamental problem which is the failure of the people of Northern Ireland to agree to share this place.
Now as the Talks have at last entered their substantive stage, I believe that it is important that political leaders explain what these Talks are about and what they can achieve. Alliance's overarching aim in the Talks is to fundamentally rebuild society in Northern Ireland.
The current political process taking place at Castle Buildings is essentially about finding agreement on common political structures that the vast majority of the people of Northern Ireland can find acceptable. If we can come up with an agreed set of institutions then we can give our people the opportunity and the tools to reshape this divided society.
There are differing assessments from the participants concerning the prospects of the Talks. The capacity to reach an agreement is in our hands. The parameters of what could form a mutually acceptable outcome have been clear to the two governments and most political parties for some time. The principal question is whether enough political leaders are prepared to make the necessary compromises to get us there. Alliance will be assessing every proposal in terms of what will canvass wide-ranging agreement, but we will also ask whether particular suggestions would reinforce sectarianism and division in our society, or would provide an opportunity to heal the divisions.
I have great misgivings about any purported settlement that would be premised on a rigid division of Northern Ireland into "two communities". Not only is such language inaccurate, but it is fundamentally counterproductive to the future health of this society.
The "two communities" notion can be challenged on a number of grounds. The term "community" implies shared values. A considerable number of Protestants have more in common with some Catholics in terms of their values and outlook on life than with some other Protestants and vice versa. It is therefore mistaken and offensive to suggest that Catholic members of, for example, the Alliance Party, have more in common with Gerry Adams than with Protestant members, and that Protestant members have more in common with Ian Paisley than with Catholic members.
Over 10 per cent of the Northern Ireland population in the last census did not declare themselves to be either Protestant or Catholic. This is a substantial figure. There are minorities who belong to other faiths, others have genuinely none, and there are many who reject the tribalist implications of such labelling and refuse to sign up. There is also the dilemma which is faced by the children of "mixed marriages", who are forced by a "two community" approach to adopt one community identity or another.
Not every person in this society calls themselves a unionist or a nationalist. It is not that they do not have deep interests in the constitutional future of Northern Ireland, but rather their fundamental values are based on what kind of society we could build here, rather than on what kind of nationalist they are.
From listening to many Alliance voters, it comes across clearly that they see tribal politics as being at the heart of our problems and therefore do not wish to be pigeon-holed as either unionists or nationalists.
The Alliance Party is not, therefore, a loose coalition of moderate unionists and moderate nationalists living in an uneasy co-existence. It is a group of Protestants, Catholics and others who have come together around shared values of liberalism, anti-sectarianism, fairness and mutual respect. We are not facilitators of a process like the two governments, with little concern other than to see any kind of peace and a political agreement irrespective of its details. Instead, we represent a distinct constituency within Northern Ireland that has fundamental interests and concerns over what shape any political agreement takes.
It is wrong therefore to speak of "two communities". However, such language has become deeply ingrained within this society. It is even institutionalised in texts such as the Framework Document. We constantly hear it from people such as government ministers, who should know better. One positive note, however, was the recognition by the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation that there were more than two political traditions in Northern Ireland.
The greater danger lies in the kind of political structures that could be created and the nature of the rights that could be recognised if this talk of "two communities" is taken too literally.
The setting out of two sets of mirroring rights for both unionists and nationalists, and the recognition of parity of esteem for only two traditions, would not mark a healing of divisions but an institutionalising of them.
Human rights are universal. National governments do not award rights to their citizens. Rights are an entitlement of every individual through being born. It is up to governments to recognise and respect these rights. Every individual is entitled to the same set of rights. There can be no special Catholic or Protestant rights, nationalist or unionist rights - there can only be human rights. This fundamental reality is accepted in international law.
The European Convention on Human Rights is based on this principle and therefore should provide the basis for providing fairness and equality of opportunity to every person in Northern Ireland. The decision of the British government to incorporate this Convention in domestic law is most welcome. It would be helpful if the Republic of Ireland did likewise.
On the other hand, the logical political extension of a flawed parity of esteem would be to give only unionism and nationalism equal rather than proportionate shares in decision-making, and to marginalise everyone else. Institutionalising unionism and nationalism within future structures of government will not give our society any chance to move away from tribally-based politics.
Unfortunately, it suits those who wish to see a carve-up of Northern Ireland between unionism and nationalism to portray everything in black and white terms. Any acknowledgement that not all Protestants are unionists or that not all Catholics are nationalists is a dangerous threat to such plans.
It is possible to create institutions that acknowledge that our society is divided, but that do not entrench divisions. The precise nature of power-sharing structures are just as important as the general concept itself. The use of weighted majorities in decision-making, for example, could provide the necessary protection for the interests of minorities in any future institutions, much better than awarding equal votes to arbitrarily defined groups. Such mechanisms are used in many countries when decisions are crucially important or sensitive, e.g. constitutional change.
We look to a society based upon liberal values. These are largely taken for granted in many other situations, but sadly not in Northern Ireland. The individual rather than the group should be the focus of attention. Too many political parties put the interests of their group, whether it be unionists or nationalists, ahead of the individual.
The fundamental values of a liberal society give every person the opportunity to realise their personal fulfilment. Each requires access to education for personal development, a proper health service to protect their well-being, a market economy to create the right conditions for prosperity, a proper welfare system to ensure social justice, and a political and legal system that ensures that their individual rights can be properly protected.
This is the type of society that Alliance is working to create in Northern Ireland but we never forget that while we represent our own core constituency, we also have the capacity to reach out to people from all backgrounds. Different cultures and views should be valued in any society. In Northern Ireland it is vital for us all to co-operate in valuing all individuals rather than to confront each other as British and Irish nationalists.
Lord Alderdice is leader of the Alliance Party
