SF must ask why it failed to 'close deal' with voters

Sinn Féin's highest-profile loss on June 5th was that of sitting Dublin MEP Mary Lou McDonald (above, with party president Gerry Adams), in the most tightly fought contest in the election. Photograph: Julien Behal/PA Wire

OPINION : Did Sinn Féin have a good or bad election on June 5th? Both, is the honest answer

IN 2004, Sinn Féin made a major leap forward in the 26 counties by trebling its council representation, securing a Euro seat in Dublin, and coming very close to taking a second seat in the North West.

That result, coupled with Sinn Féin’s success in capturing a Euro seat in the North, rocked the political establishment on both sides of the Border.

It was always going to be difficult to maintain this rate of growth in the South, even more so after the significant setback for Sinn Féin in the 2007 general election.

We went into this latest election with 51 city and county council seats, and came out with 54. We made important breakthroughs in Limerick, Wicklow, Cork, Tipperary and Kilkenny. Our European vote was up overall, and up significantly in the South and East constituencies.

Crucially, our vote across the State, in real and percentage terms, was up on the poor performance in 2007.

However, on a number of councils, Dublin city in particular, our vote share was down. We lost three seats on the city council and one in Fingal.

The highest-profile loss was that of our sitting Dublin MEP Mary Lou McDonald, in what was the most tightly fought contest in the election. This was always going to be a difficult seat to hold, once Dublin was reduced to a three-seater.

Officially, Sinn Féin has argued that it was a good election, particularly in the context of the 2007 result. Others have bizarrely described our results as a “meltdown”.

Some commentators have asked how it is that Sinn Féin MEP Bairbre de Brún can top the poll in the North, while the party in the South appears to stand still.

The fairest assessment of our electoral performance in the 26 counties in the view of this writer is that we held our own . . . just.

We are without doubt in a better position today than we were the week after the 2007 general elections. We now have representation in 31 out of the 32 counties.

However, we also need to ask ourselves why, at a time when the Government was the object of such searing public anger, our party did not further build on the gains made in 2004.

Sinn Féin fought a good campaign. Our political message was clear. We called for an end to the failed right-wing social and economic policies of both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.

In the face of massive job losses, a growing housing crisis, a health system in chaos and wide-ranging cuts to education and public transport, we said that there was a better way.

We argued that it was not enough to criticise the failures of Government, and that the Opposition had a responsibility to outline a real alternative.

To this end, Sinn Féin presented detailed proposals on job retention and creation, and on tackling the public finance deficit. We also outlined many positive alternatives on issues such as the banking crisis, housing, health, and local government service provision.

We called on voters to turn their anger towards the Government into positive action for change at local, national and European levels.

While many people heard this message, a significant number chose the Labour Party over Sinn Féin. In Dublin, a smaller but nonetheless significant number of voters chose other left-wing parties and individuals.

My own experience from the canvass was that, while a significant section of the electorate were open to our message, we failed to “close the deal” with many.

Why this was the case is a matter for discussion within the party. Issues of organisational capacity, access to and use of the media, and clarity and credibility of our policies and message will all be scrutinised in coming days.

Clearly, Sinn Féin has more work to do in convincing people that the need for a politics without Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael is in the best interests of all. Equally, we have more work to do in demonstrating that, in addition to sound principles, our party has the policies and the ability to deliver real change when elected.

Crucially, the positive reputation for hard work and honest representation which our party enjoys in many of the State’s most deprived communities has yet to be translated into a more general belief that Sinn Féin can and must be a party of government.

Our success in the North over the last decade has been built on this basis. Sinn Féin has successfully combined a community empowerment-based approach to local politics with a strong and progressive agenda for change in the Northern Assembly. There is no reason to believe that a similar achievement in the South is not possible.

Indeed, looking at results in major urban centres such as Dublin and Cork, it is clear that there is an appetite for a political future without Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael. Dublin and Cork cities now have a clear left majority, and if others are willing to step up to the plate, real change on a broad range of social, economic and political fronts can be delivered.

Sinn Féin is ready and able for this challenge. June 5th was not a great election for Sinn Féin, but nor was it a disaster. If the party continues to build on the albeit slow progress made to date, then 2009 may well be seen as an important turning point for our party.

The next challenge will be the Donegal South West byelection, where Pearse Doherty will be fighting to secure an additional Dáil seat for Sinn Féin.

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