outsidein

  • Pirates

    January 26, 2010 @ 2:46 pm | by Bryan

    Rihanna has released a version of Bob Marley’s Redemption Song in order to raise funds for people in Haiti. As the pop star told Oprah, “This song, for me, any time there was a difficult situation, I always listened to this song. It’s so liberating. Even now, I listen to it when my back is up against the wall. I feel the people of Haiti need to hear something inspiring.” Hmmm….

    Redemption Song is my favorite Bob Marley track. Rita Marley said that her late husband was already in a lot of pain when he wrote it. I don’t know if that pain is what separates the song from others. Or if it’s the simplicity of a man singing with nothing but a guitar to aid him. Or maybe it’s the knowledge that there’s something subversive in the lyrics, even if you don’t know what that something is.

    Years ago, in a dingy room in one of the halls of residence at the University of Zimbabwe, a friend tried to explain to me exactly why those lyrics are subversives. Imagine genuinely believing that someone had literally saved your soul from eternal damnation; pulled you out of ‘the bottomless pit’, so to speak. Imagine then that the same person, minutes later, put you in chains and sold you into a cruel, brutal captivity.

    Old pirates, yes, they rob I;
    Sold I to the merchant ships,
    Minutes after they took I
    From the bottomless pit.

    What does that have to do with Haiti’s earthquake? Simply put, I think you, me, Rihanna and anyone else who can afford to get onto the internet and read this, we’re today’s pirates.

    I once lived in a cockroach infested house. They were invisible most of the time and would only come out after we had all gone to bed. But if you got up in the middle of the night and switched on a light, especially in the kitchen, you would see them scurrying towards the closest hiding place. The response to Haiti’s earthquake reminded me of that house; I felt as though I were seeing the same process, only in reverse. Disaster struck, and where many saw international solidarity and good will, I saw a swarm scurrying onto a vulnerable population for all sorts of reasons - some, genuinely there to help; more for chess-like geopolitical positional advantage; and even more for marketing reasons, in order to gain greater brand exposure and recognition for one’s country, company or organisation. And I suppose it was inevitable: a disaster like that, it was bound to have a huge television audience.

    And let’s be honest, under normal circumstances, who cares about Haiti? Who really cares about it’s history? So what if the French and Americans have plundered and sucked it dry? And if it’s political instability is in good part the result of the meddling of Western countries (including the seemingly benign, like Canada) and institutions like the United Nations?

    What if said meddling leads to your financial gain and mine? Thomas Pogge, in several books and academic papers, argues that if we are involved in, or benefit from institutions that exploit or in other ways harm people, even if those people are on the other side of the world, we are guilty of harming those people and have a duty towards them. Pogge, in my opinion, convincingly makes his point, and he clearly demonstrates the fact that we the global aristocrats - we who don’t worry about whether or not we’ll eat anything tomorrow - do in fact benefit from institutions that harm people in places like Haiti.

    But if we took the likes of Pogge seriously, we couldn’t continue to live as we do. So when Senator David Norris suggested on radio yesterday that people in Ireland may be partially responsible for the situation in Haiti, he was unsurprisingly put in his place by his audience. Not only was he told that the Irish are incredibly generous (the Department of Foreign Affairs have been very busy lately because there has been a lot to say about the Irish government’s response to the earthquake), but what happened in Haiti was a natural disaster. It wasn’t, of course. There may have been an earthquake, but the exaggerated loss of life resulted from the structural failures that led to poor infrastructure and administration in that country. Those structural failures, if you believe Pogge, come back to you and I.

    So what are we to do? We’ll express remorse. We might even learn where the country is on the map. Some will give. Some will give a lot, maybe even of their time. They’ll try to raise funds for the disaster relief, and they may even go to Haiti or other miserable places to help comfort the suffering. But for most of us, something else will capture our attention in the coming months. The World Cup maybe. Or we’ll find out that some other celebrity had an affair. Or a row will erupt over whether bankers should be burdened with an additional tax on their second imported luxury car. Whatever it is, we’ll forget about Haiti until its next disaster.

    Institutionally, the likes of John O’Shea and The Economist will do their best to turn Haiti into a modern day colony, only with benevolent colonial masters. Bill Clinton will probably get another term in office, even if it is a smaller one. Naomi Klein will despair as she watches the process she described in her book unfold. Things will probably go wrong. Poor Haitians are likely to go on being the wretched of the earth (or at the very least, the wretched of the Western Hemisphere). And you and I will be the better for it, even if we oblivious to the workings of the world.

    I wonder if that is what Rihanna had in mind when she decided to fundraise for Haiti with Bob Marley’s song? Probably not. But I’m sure Marley would have seen the irony in the fact that I gain financially from this piece. I too am a pirate.

  • 2010 pessimism

    January 4, 2010 @ 9:00 pm | by Bryan

    Regular readers of this blog may find the next statement hard to believe. I am, by nature, an optimist. Really, I am. But over the course of 2009, a cloud of pessimism settled over me. And to be honest, I don’t see it lifting over the course of the coming 12 months.

    Here’s an example of where my negativity stems from. Based on conversations with a mix of people in Belfast, it seems as though one of the largest determinants to peace and stability is economic well-being. Money, or more precisely, the process of pursing ‘the good life’ with a reasonable expectation of one day attaining it, can be positively distracting - in a “an idle mind is the devil’s playground” sense. Granted, an argument could be made for the role of things like intrusive body scanners and remote controlled planes that can bomb whole villages to smithereens. But does anyone really think that airport security, a hypertrophied ‘intelligence community’, or wars in far off places will rid the world of people like Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, let alone the people who armed and trained him?

    Once upon a time, before that great IMF idea that was economic structural adjustment, Zimbabwe was a relatively prosperous little country. We were wealthier than most of our neighbours, so we did our bit to keep out the poorer Malawians and Mozambicans. Those who got into the country were tolerated, but I’m pretty sure we tried to keep them to a minimum. And then the IMF came along and in a relatively brief period of time, income inequality within the country soared. People who were relatively well off built large walls to keep out their poor fellow citizens. For the most part, the walls served their purpose, but with increasing regularity, some found ways over them. They would then help themselves to things they couldn’t otherwise afford while the owners of the big houses were asleep. There came a point where we wrecked the country. Things got so bad that even those living in big houses behind bigger walls began to struggle. So a lot of Zimbabweans, rich and poor alike, made their way to neighbouring and distant countries, sometimes illegally scaling real and metaphorical walls and fences.

    So why am I pessimistic? Because, it’s easier to build, buy and install body scanners and to blow stuff up than to try to understand the world on the other side of our walls. The world seems destined to imitate the likes of Johannesburg and Rio de Janeiro, who have found it easier to live with their fear than address the structures that give birth to their underworld. I’m pessimistic because I get the feeling that we’re a year closer to the day parts of the world are relegated to rubbish heap status, while others become fortified cities.

    But I could be wrong.

    Happy 2010.

  • Di-Aping, climate change and the Holocaust

    December 21, 2009 @ 8:28 am | by Bryan

    [The Copenhagen Accord] asks Africa to sign a suicide pact, an incineration pact in order to maintain the economic dominance of a few countries. It is a solution based on values, the very same values in our opinion that funnelled six million people in Europe into furnaces. - Lumumba Stanislaus Di-Aping (Chief negotiator for the G77 at the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen).

    You’ve got to hand it to the Sudanese chair of the G77. Europe is still pretty touchy about the holocaust, and the suggestion that the continent is helping to get the gas chambers cranked up was always going to evoke a response. Di-Aping knows how to make headline grabbing statements, but is there any substance to his charge?

    First of all, there’s the suicide pact stuff. On that, I’m with Di-Aping. The smaller countries don’t really get much consideration (and that’s me trying to be as generous as possible to the rich and powerful ones). Barack Obama didn’t take Malawi, Bangladeshi, a couple of Pacific Island nations and Paraguay into a private room to discuss their grievances. Part of that is Malawi et. al. aren’t responsible for much of the greenhouse gases the world produces so they can’t be expected to be at the forefront of a new green revolution. That said, because they aren’t very well off and don’t have much political clout, the views of Malawi et. al. aren’t going to be seriously considered. Let’s face it, Greenpeace have a better chance of getting a hearing from the Obama administration on the effects of climate change than Malawi. I’m not the only one who thinks as much. According to Michael Levi of the Council for Foreign Relations, “The climate treaty process isn’t going to die, but the real work of coordinating international efforts to reduce emissions will primarily occur elsewhere.” “That elsewhere,” speculates the New York Times, “will likely be a much smaller group of nations, roughly 30 countries responsible for 90 percent of global warming emissions,” i.e. the 30 most powerful nations. As for the weak, heard of Darwin?

    Then there’s the values stuff. What values led to the holocaust? I’m no expert in this area. On some level, ‘The Pearl’ must be right - there was money to be made in the exploitation and murder of millions of innocents. More interesting philosophical and sociological explanations have been put forward, but when all is said and done, most come down to the fact that we (people) like situations that work to our favour, especially if the consequences (or victims) are safely out of sight. The structure of the global political economy, for example, is such that I can easily afford to buy a cup of coffee most mornings, while the farmer who grew and harvested that coffee might struggle to feed her family. The distance between us allows me to sleep peacefully at night.

    So maybe Di-Aping is right on both counts. Maybe the small and vulnerable will continue to pay the price for the short-sightedness of the rich and powerful so long as ‘the dollar bill’ lies at the centre of our global value system.

  • Blame it on the immigrant

    November 24, 2009 @ 1:14 pm | by Bryan

    38 per cent of 18-24-year-olds would like to see most immigrants leave, compared to 23 per cent of over-65s.

    72 per cent of people want to see a reduction in the number of immigrants living here.

    43 per cent say they would like to see some, but not all, immigrants leave the State, while 29 per cent would like to see most immigrants leave.

    People in rural areas and those from less well-off backgrounds are also more likely to support a reduction in the number of foreign workers based here.

    40 per cent of those in the 18-24 age group say they are likely to emigrate.

    None of this is very surprising. Life in Ireland seems a little more uncertain than in previous years. People are rightly worried that there isn’t enough to go around. It makes sense then that there’s a desire to get rid of anyone who doesn’t have to be in the country - all those without a strong claim to a slice of the dwindling national pie.

    Fair enough. But what assumptions go into that thinking? When the 1,004 participants in this survey were picturing the typical immigrant, who did they have in mind? The typical immigrant in Ireland is someone from an EU-member state. Europeans, based on the last census, make us something like 70% of the immigrant population. Do the 38% of 18-24 year olds who want to see most immigrants leave really want to boot out the Brits, French, Germans, and Poles? And how does that square up against the finding that 40% of those in that same demographic want to emigrate?

    This period in Ireland’s history is in danger of going down as one huge wasted opportunity. Maybe a state of mass reflection and re-evaluation is too much to hope for when people are genuinely fearful of what the future will bring. But venting out at the usual suspects - the politicians, the wealthy, the immigrants, the trade unions… - how much good is that going to do? The country could expel every immigrant, politician, rich person, every union official and everyone else deemed to be responsible for the current state of things, but the underlying problems would remain.

    Shouldn’t those underlying problems be the focus of attention?

  • Why are we marching?

    November 6, 2009 @ 4:40 pm | by Bryan

    Clockwise from top left, the routes and starting times of the protest marches in Galway, Dublin and Cork.

    Clockwise from top left, the routes and starting times of the protest marches in Galway, Dublin and Cork.

    I’m not sure how I feel about today’s planned marches. I’m a huge supporter of deliberative forms of governance. I also strongly believe in the right of people to protest and publicly register their collective sense of anger. But I have little time for meaningless gestures, and I fear today’s protests fall into that category.

    About 15 years ago Zimbabwe was a flawed, but generally prosperous country that looked like it had a bright future. Somewhere along the line, several big issues came up which polarised the nation. Instead of engaging in a deliberative process, both sides adopted a confrontational approach. National challenges were cast as consequences of the incompetence or callousness of one side or the other, leading to further polarisation and more aggressive confrontation. Fast foreward 15 years, and what was once a prosperous country now resembles a frail invalid who may never return to her previous state of health.

    People have all sorts of ideas about what went wrong in Zimbabwe, some of which have more merit than others. Whatever the other reasons, had the main protagonists actually engaged with each other, had they not gone down the easy road of confrontation but had tried to work things out, the country would, at the very least, be far healthier than it is today.

    That’s Zimbabwe. What has that to do with demonstrations across Ireland? I think the same principles apply. Why are people protesting? If you were to give the gathering in Dublin or Galway a magic wand, or better still the authority of the cabinet, what would they do with the power? Are these protests simply an expression of anger, or is there a substantive underlying demand? I’m all for simple displays of anger, but then what? Do the protesters want a general election to be held in order to elect new leadership? Is the fall of the present government the aim? Do they support a specific set of economic policy recommendations? If so, have all the consequences been thought out and debated?

    Don’t get me wrong, I don’t think the protesters and organisers are the bad guys, or that the cabinet are the unappreciated good guys, any more than I think Zimbabwe’s government had an open door policy 15 years ago. But shouting across the room at the person who is ignoring you probably isn’t going to get them to take a serious look at your recommendations. In fact, the more time and energy are invested into shouting and ignoring, the less that goes towards thought, deliberation and problem solving.

    I don’t understand - maybe it;s just human nature. People, in both their private and public spheres, don’t like to address things directly. We’re broke, and resources that are there are distributed unevenly. Rather than debating how those resources should be distributed, how benefits and burdens should be shared, and what distributional outcomes political, economic, social and legal process should lead to, we fight over specific cases like NAMA, or Brendan Drumm’s pay. NAMA was a bad idea, Drumm shouldn’t have got that bonus, but both are inconsequential when compared to the need to deliberatively establish a national vision, and a plan by which to get there.

    If I could pass one law, it might be that every high school student be made to watch Spike Lee’s Do the Right Thing, and then to write an essay entitled On the futility of Buggin’ Out.

  • Good news?

    October 28, 2009 @ 1:01 pm | by Bryan

    Today’s Irish Times poll asks the question, “Should cuts in social welfare be introduced in the forthcoming Budget?” Thus far, a surprising 62% believe that they should. Does that result reflect the socio-economic standing of the average Irish Times reader, online poll respondent, or the prevailing mood in the country?

    I’m surprised because I assume that few people in today’s job market are completely confident that they will have their current job this time next year; or that should they be made redundant, they will easily get alternative employment. That being the case, it seems reasonable to assume that even those who are currently employed are sympathetic to the plight of the jobless. Not only that, people who are currently employed could think of tax as a form of insurance against the loss of earnings that would follow future unemployment.

    So, if the employed are paying contributions towards the national safety net, and if there is a realistic chance that those same contributors will need that safety net in the not too distant future, why do 62% want to see a reduction in welfare benefits? Is there a national consensus on the desirability of income inequality? Does Ireland generally hold that the poor should be x% poorer than the person on the average industrial wage, so that if the average wage is falling, the income of a family on the dole should fall proportionately? I’m struggling to come up with rational explanations for the poll result. Surely in this economic environment hardly anyone believes that most people who are out of work find themselves in that position through idleness, do they? If it doesn’t serve the medium-term interests of the employed, and definitely not those of the unemployed, why do we want to see the dole payments reduced?

    A simple answer might be that we all agree that the payments are too high and the country can’t afford to maintain the social welfare budget. But that assumes (providing the poll reflects the national sentiment) that 62% of people in Ireland would voluntary opt for a smaller social welfare payment than is enjoyed today, should they be made redundant tomorrow. I doubt that’s the case.

    Maybe this poll is a cause for celebration. I can only assume it means that job security is much greater than I imagined. The only way that result makes sense to me is if the the bulk of that 62% doesn’t really think they’ll need to go on the dole tomorrow, or any time in the near future.

  • Money makes the world go round?

    October 6, 2009 @ 5:07 pm | by Bryan

    Yes campaigners celebrate outside the main count centre in Dublin Castle on Saturday after the convincing Yes vote in the Lisbon Treaty referendum. Photograph: Cathal McNaughton/Reuters

    Yes campaigners celebrate outside the main count centre in Dublin Castle on Saturday after the convincing Yes vote in the Lisbon Treaty referendum. Photograph: Cathal McNaughton/Reuters.

    Let’s face it, there was only ever going to be one result to Lisbon II. It has been said that it is evaluated experience, rather than simply experience itself, which is the best teacher. So let’s evaluate the referendum’s outcome. Why was there such an overwhelming ‘Yes’ vote? In my opinion, it all boils down to money.

    What did the ‘No’ camp have to offer? Legitimate concerns about sovereignty, the spirit of democracy, and justified anger. Anger at not only being asked to pass a reworked version of a document that was well and truly rejected not too long ago, but also being asked to rethink what officialdom considered the lapse in judgement that resulted in Lisbon I’s defeat. These legitimate concerns were unfortunately shrouded by various elements on the ‘No’ side, in nonsensical non-issues.

    The ‘Yes’ camp also put forward their fair share of nonsense. But at the heart of their appeal was economic survival. In short, their message was, “Mess this up and you will literally pay for your mistake.” I have no idea if that proposition was correct. But that’s irrelevant since at the end of the day, a large majority, staring economic uncertainty in the face, chose not to risk irritating those nice Europeans who have over the years invested significantly in Ireland.

    When this issue is stripped bare of niceties, isn’t this the lesson: money really does make the world go round? Couldn’t we also say that in the hierarchy of societal ideals, financial security trumps the finer questions around constitutionality and even democracy? Were that not the case, there surely wouldn’t have been such an all encompassing effort to circumvent the safety mechanism worked into the Nice Treaty that called for unanimity? Lisbon I’s Irish defeat would have sounded the treaty’s death knell.

    Why then, does the Western political establishment make such a big deal about Hugo Chávez calling for a vote to remove term limits, or Kagame establishing himself as a de facto military dictator? In both cases, the vast majority of the local population has decided that the prospect of economic stability trumps constitutional concerns. Just like the majority of the population here, they would rather be prosperous than rigidly stick to the tenets of some piece of paper.

    Both here and elsewhere, money really does seem to make the world go round.

  • Poverty tourism

    September 30, 2009 @ 9:21 am | by Bryan

    A viewb of the

    A view of the “informal settlement” of Mathare at Nairobi, Kenya. Photograph: Frederic Courbet.

    This isn’t new. It happens in parts of South Africa, and I’m pretty sure it also happens in other places. Kenya is now home to a new kind of income generating scheme - poverty tourism.

    That’s right, poverty tourism. People pay to see the misery of others and then… I don’t know what happens then to be honest. I’m sure the whole thing isn’t meant to be sadistic. I imagine that those paying to see these slum dwellers do it for noble reasons, like the desire to understand how the other half live, so they can more effectively campaign for them. But to me, it smells like the horrible product of a George Orwell and Stephen King collaboration.

    What’s next, Survivor Khayelitsha? A show in which regular folks from various rich nations get to spend twelve weeks in South Africa’s largest township with nothing but the average income of the typical shanty town’s resident? Following District 9’s lead, the contestants might have to supplement their diet with rats and who knows, maybe cat food? At what point does concern and empathy become vulgar voyeurism?

    In a fascinating report from Kenya, Fintan O’Toole shared a debate between two Masai men on modernisation and the future of the tribe. Arguing for the path of modernisation and integration into the wider Kenyan society, O’Toole reports that Leina Mpoke, programme director with Concern, said the following:

    …Masais are kept in the same category as wildlife. Even when tourists come to look at wildlife, without the Masai next to a giraffe or a Masai village near the lions, it’s not complete. I refuse that kind of consumerism where the Masai is rated the same way as a beast. But the Masai man of the old time is not the same as today. The Masai warrior insisted on facing his enemy man-to-man and believed that even arrows were for cowards. And they got killed.

    Unfortunately, the path favoured by Mpoke isn’t much brighter. The majority of those Masai who ‘integrate’ end up in slums. History suggests that it will be years before that group works its way up the social ladder. Until then, those who escape the humiliation of being photographed as part of the wildlife may very well end up being captured by the camera lens of another kind of tourist. This time, as the wildlife itself - part and parcel of the urban safari experience.

  • Hooray for the G20?

    September 25, 2009 @ 1:50 pm | by Bryan

    “The fact that 20 or so individuals right now are determining economic trade policies for four to five billion people just isn’t right,” Mr. Griffith said. “That’s why we’re here.”

    Most news organisations are making a big deal over the fact that the G8 is being replaced by the G20. The fact that a handful of the most powerful ‘developing nations’ are being added to the elite club that gets to set the economic rules for the rest is supposed to represent the dawn of a new inclusive era or something. It does no such thing.

    Let’s take a look at some of these ‘developing nations’. China. India. South Africa. Turkey. Brazil. These aren’t exactly the nations that I would pick were I trying to get a good understanding of the concerns of the typical state in the South. China is China. India, while being home to some of the world’s poorest people, is also incredibly wealthy. So much so, the Indians not only sent a rocket to the moon, they were also the ones who recently discovered water there. They’re not exactly Malawi or Haiti - nations trying to come up with a formula for growing enough food to meet domestic needs. As for Brazil, the OECD has been trying to woo them for a while. The OECD, you may have noticed, have not expressed much interest in Cuba or Paraguayi. The G20 is so inclusive that neither Nigeria nor Egypt, Africa’s second and third wealthiest nations, were deemed worthy. And yet, just about all of Europe is represented there by the EU. But just to make sure, France, Germany, Italy and Britain get their own special seats. The same is true of North America - the US, Canada and Mexico are all members.

    So just to re-cap, the G20 is made up of Europe, North America, and everyone else with too much economic clout to ignore. And what happens when only the powerful get to make the rules? Let’s look at the response to the recent financial crisis, shall we? As was recently demonstrated on the excellent three part BBC television series, The Love of Money, the politically powerful got together with the economically powerful to craft a solution to the crisis. Unsurprisingly, it was decided that to avoid catastrophe, the economically powerful could not be allowed to fail. Equally unsurprisingly, the chosen mechanism of their rescue was a transfer of wealth from the rest, to those deemed to large to fail. Could it be that the proposal to transfer wealth to struggling mortgage holders instead of, or in tandem with the banks bailout, would have got more of a hearing were struggling mortgage holders part of the deliberations? Hoping that China, Brazil or even South Africa will represent Malawi’s economic interests is like expecting AIB or Bank of Ireland to ask the Finance Minister to consider my local credit union’s needs, and give some of the taxpayer money allocated to the banks to St. Anthony’s Credit Union instead. I’m not saying it couldn’t happen, but I wouldn’t hold my breath.

    Like Trevor Griffith, I have serious problems with a small group from the most powerful nations making potentially life and death decisions for the rest of the planet. If however, that’s the direction the world is going to take, then at least let’s be completely honest about it and get rid of the charade that is the United Nations General Assembly. Maybe let’s get rid of the UN altogether? It can’t be that important if the real decision makers use it as a pit stop en-route to G20 meetings.

  • Much ado about nothing

    September 17, 2009 @ 6:36 pm | by Bryan

    Eugene Sheehy, chief executive of AIB, entering the Department of Finance last night where he and other bankers met with the Minister for Finance Brian Lenihan to discuss Nama. Photograph: Aidan Crawley
    Eugene Sheehy, chief executive of AIB, entering the Department of Finance on Tuesday night where he and other bankers met with the Minister for Finance Brian Lenihan to discuss Nama. Photograph: Aidan Crawley.

    Recently, I had a telephone conversation with a friend who is a bit of a political activist. Though we share similar feelings on many broad subjects, there is one fundamental difference between us. My friend believes that the status quo is generally sound, it just needs constant fine tuning. I, on the other hand, am of the opinion that what is needed is a complete rethink of things.

    To be topical, let’s take NAMA. In some ways, it seems like much ado about nothing. At the end of the day, a bunch of politicians (sorry Dr McCaffery), business people, senior academics and the rest of the kings and queens of the land, are trying to redistribute wealth. Not only that, they are trying to find the best way of accomplishing their goal while simultaneously furthering their own interests and ensuring the long term viability of Ireland Inc. When all is said and done and the dust settles, even if the ‘public’ get the best possible outcome under the current terms of this debate, wealth is still going to be transferred from the many to the few. Funnily, the many might actually be grateful because this donation on their part is supposedly being undertaken for the sake of their children and grandchildren.

    It is incredible how similar people can be, regardless of geography. Noam Chomsky has, on several occasions, stated his belief that the United States is more authoritarian than some supposed dictatorships. I think I’m finally starting to understand what he means. I see in Ireland today the same dynamics at work that I grew up with in Zimbabwe. Power in Zim was concentrated in the hands of a few who were associated with a political party. In Ireland, that few are bound together more by socio-economic status than by party affiliation. Yet even here, it is a few who rule. In Zim, the few tried to make decisions based on what would benefit themselves personally, while at the same time maintaining the viability of the country (so they could continue to benefit). I see the same here. Zim’s few wrapped their actions in populist rhetoric. Here, ‘the taxpayer’ is constantly invoked in policy debates. The difference between the governance of my former home and my current one is a matter of degrees.

    That being the case, I cannot help but feel as though we are all missing the point and barking up the wrong tree. It doesn’t matter which faction of the few gets to decide how to transfer money to the banking system if the relationships between the many, the few, and various institutions aren’t addressed. It is like believing that real change can come from substituting Robert Mugabe with Morgan Tsvangirai, without an overhaul of the political system which leads to significant societal change.

    NAMA, nationalisation, the good bank … as things stand, all seem to me like much ado about nothing.

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